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Published Date: Oct 19, 2025

Globally, and in Bangladesh, the struggle for women to secure seats in parliament has only become tougher. The 1995 World Conference on Women in Beijing, convened by the United Nations with more than 17,000 participants, set a goal of 30 percent representation of women in political decision-making. Many countries adopted this in various forms: some required political parties to nominate women for leadership roles, others reserved seats, or supported female candidacies. 

Yet, progress remains uneven. Only a few nations—such as New Zealand, Rwanda, Mexico, and Venezuela—have made sustained advances towards parity. For most UN member states, even achieving 30 percent remains an uphill battle. 

After the July 2024 uprising and the end of an autocratic rule in Bangladesh, many hoped for a new era of inclusive politics. While patriarchal attitudes might take time to dismantle, there was an expectation that political parties would lead by example. That hope is yet to be fulfilled.

Despite five decades of independence and the visible leadership of women during the July-August movement, women continue to face barriers. The same tired claims persist: that "politics is dirty," that women lack the "muscle" or "money" to contest elections, and that power belongs to those who control wealth and intimidation. Money, goons, and guns remain normalised in politics, sidelining competence, integrity, and performance.

As Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak reminds us, "Representation has two meanings: it means speaking about, and it also means re-presenting." When women are excluded from political institutions, their realities remain unspoken and are misrepresented by those claiming to speak for them. The absence of women's voices in parliament means half the population is denied the power to define national priorities and shape the laws that govern their lives.

Social conditioning that normalises women's exclusion provides convenient excuses for political leaders. They claim that "there are no competent women candidates," as if competence can emerge without opportunity or mentorship. But how many women have been trained or promoted within party structures over the past fifty years? Why were they not organised as a political constituency when women's votes have repeatedly shaped elections? This neglect reflects a systemic undervaluation of women's economic and social contributions.

Women in leadership and decision-making roles are essential for ensuring gender justice and equality. Research by the UN and the World Bank shows that countries with more women in parliament tend to enact progressive social policies, prioritise health and education, and reduce corruption.

Women leaders bring diverse perspectives, empathy, and community insight—qualities vital for effective governance. Their inclusion is not charity; it is a democratic necessity. In that context, Dr BR Ambedkar noted that the progress of a community must be measured by the degree of progress that women have achieved. By that measure, Bangladesh still has far to go.

Rwanda, with 63.75 percent of the seats in parliament held by women, has enacted laws ensuring equal inheritance rights, combating gender-based violence, and expanding healthcare. In New Zealand, women's political participation has driven climate action and family-friendly labour reforms. Studies by UN Women show that parliaments with more female members tend to pass more inclusive budgets, particularly in education, healthcare, and child welfare.

Even in Bangladesh, women parliamentarians have championed issues such as the prevention of child marriage, maternal health, domestic violence, and women's entrepreneurship. Their presence changes priorities. When a woman stands for us, she speaks of food, safety, and education—not just roads and contracts. Women constitute 51 percent of Bangladesh's population, and even more if we include girl children. The country's economy also depends heavily on the ready-made garments sector, which is largely powered by women. Added to this are the remittances sent by women migrant workers, who send 70 to 80 percent 

of their incomes back home. When women are in power, they bring life-affirming values to politics—care, conservation, and community, as noted by Vandana Shiva. Thus, these values are urgently needed as Bangladesh seeks to rebuild democracy, restore trust, and pursue sustainable growth.

Political parties are not merely vehicles of power; they are the custodians of democracy. The Representation of the People Order (RPO), 1972, mandates that political parties allocate at least 33 percent of all committee positions to women within a set time frame. Yet, till this date, this target remains unmet. While women's participation as voters and campaigners has grown, their presence in party leadership, nomination boards, and winnable seats has not. The Election Commission can only demand compliance reports, but real change requires political will.

If political parties wish to rebuild public trust after years of disillusionment, they must begin by honouring their commitments. Following the RPO is not merely a legal obligation; it is a moral test of democracy itself, and empowering women through representation is the foundation of a just and modern Bangladesh.


Farah Kabir is country director at ActionAid Bangladesh.